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A Case For Trump Book

The Case For Trump Key Idea #: Against All Odds President Trump Has Achieved A Lot Both Domestically And Internationally

Victor Davis Hanson on âThe Case For Trumpâ?

The very thought of Trump being remembered as a good president probably makes half of Americans laugh out loud. But once one goes beyond the media frenzy and looks at his accomplishments, the story begins to change.

Its undeniable that the first year of Trumps presidency was difficult. Relentless attacks from the mainstream media and a revolving door for White House staff mired the administration in drama, making the task of governing difficult.

Polling supported this view, with one poll in early 2017 showing that only 34 percent of those surveyed viewed Trump as honest, while 59 percent thought he didnt possess leadership skills.

But the drama of Trumps first year seems to have been worth it. He now has a close-knit team that he trusts, and the White House turnover rate has decreased substantially.

And by summer 2018, his legislative, economic and international success had pushed many of his approval polls into the 50 percent range.

Consider the domestic economy. In the year and a half leading up to summer 2018, GDP growth was faster than in any period since 2009, even hitting a whopping 4.1 percent in the second quarter of 2018. And unemployment indicators painted a similar picture, hitting 3.9 percent, a record not seen since the Clinton administration.

And as both of them went on to win reelection, its altogether likely Trump isnt going anywhere for the next six years.

Top Fed Official Says Corporate Price Hikes Are Fueling Inflation

Progressives on Monday pointed to remarks by Federal Reserve Vice Chair Lael Brainard acknowledging the role of corporate profiteering in exacerbating inflation to underscore their opposition to interest rate hikes and other monetary tightening that favors Big Business over workers.

“The retail margin for motor vehicles sold at dealerships has increased by more than 180% since February 2020.”

While attributing high inflation to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Brainardwho was addressing a meeting of the National Association for Business Economics in Chicagoasserted that “there is ample room for margin recompression to help reduce goods inflation” in the retail economy.

“Retail margins have increased 20% since the onset of the pandemic, roughly double the 9% increase in average hourly earnings by employees in that sector,” she noted. “In the auto sector, where the real inventory-to-sales ratio is 20% below its pre-pandemic level, the retail margin for motor vehicles sold at dealerships has increased by more than 180% since February 2020, 10 times the rise in average hourly earnings within that sector.”

Brainard’s nod to what one observer “the elephant in the room” was secondary to her insistence that monetary tightening in the form of higher interest rates is the best way to tackle inflation.

“And it’s excessive profits, not wages, that need to be controlled,” he added.

Claremont Review Of Books

This essay is adapted from Michael Antons forthcoming book, The Stakes: America at the Point of No Return .

Americans who want to remain citizens of a united country that at least makes some desultory attempt to protect them and further their interests have no choice but to stay the course. As the saying goes, the only way out is through.

I know that some readers will lament that the Trump Administration has been a disappointment. Wheres our wall? Id like to have seen more progress by now, too. Why wasnt he tougher during the riots and their aftermath? I dont know.

But it does seem clear that a few of the things we thought all along are actually true. The presidency is hard enough to manage with decades of experience in politics and a series of elective offices under your belt. Its that much harder when a president assumes the office not merely from the outside, but politically speaking, from out of nowhere.

And thats just President Trumps ostensible own side. Then factor in all his open enemies from the other party, and virtually every other power center in our society, plus the steadfast opposition of the so-called deep statei.e., the very federal bureaucrats whom he was elected to oversee and direct. Viewed from this angle, one may fairly wonder how its been possible for him to accomplish anything at all.

American Unity

Reform or Replace

A New Message

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Trumps Populism And Clintons Degenerate Insiderism Made The Conditions For His 2016 Success

Trump had figured out how to rearrange his message down to two fundamental arguments when the candidates for the two gatherings had been chosen: making America great again, and ensuring the degenerate insider Clinton never got chosen.

Surveys demonstrated that 56 percent of Americans trusted that since 9/11, the power and distinction of the country had declined. Whats more awful was that solitary 10% trusted the turnaround. It was, along these lines, nothing unexpected that Trumps alerts of proceeded with American decrease reverberated with a tremendous segment of the electorate.

Whats even to lesser degree amazement was that individuals run to his guarantee to turn around this decay and make America extraordinary once more.

On the monetary side, Trump grumbled of a fixed economy that profited the few over the many, as did communist Bernie Sanders. However, in contrast to Sanders, Trump didnt join that with a critical standpoint dependent on dread mongering over the ecological breakdown.

Rather than calling for activity against environmental change, Trump called for more utilization and progressively local asset extraction. This connected to his patriot viewpoint for what reason should America depend on remote vitality when it had the assets to act naturally adequate?

Everybody realized Trump was a heathen. Be that as it may, holy people, then again, arent intended to sin so when Trump made Clinton resemble a miscreant, she wore it gravely.

The Case For Trump Key Idea #: Trump Has Been Unfairly Held To Much Higher Standards Than Other Modern Presidents

Trump 2020 : The Case for the Re

On January 5, 2018, Michael Wolffs book Fire and Fury was released. For the first few months of the year, mainstream media outlets could not get enough of its lurid stories of the Trump campaign and White House.

As the media reported story after story of the supposedly inept and dysfunctional White House, the economy was painting a different picture. By late 2018, the stock market was hitting record highs, GDP growth was at its highest point in a decade, and unemployment figures were at their lowest point in the twenty-first century. Additionally, Americas place in the world was being successfully recalibrated the Iran nuclear deal was no more, and America had recognized Jerusalem as Israels capital.

But instead of reporting on Trumps successes, all the media cared about were the stories coming out of bestselling supposed insider accounts. Compare that to the aftermath of Edward Kleins 2012 presidential gossip volume, The Amateur, in which, for example, he claimed that Obama had bribed Reverend Jeremiah Wright, pastor of Obamas local church, to stop delivering anti-white sermons until after the 2008 election. One would think that wouldve generated national headlines, but it was all but ignored by the press.

The fact of the matter is that Trump has been subjected to the most biased and unfair media coverage of any modern president. This is the same media that still fawns over the Clinton years, and the same liberal elites who hold JFK and FDR in high regard.

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Activism And Political Efforts

In 1946, Schlafly became a researcher for the and worked in the successful campaign of Republican .

She played a major role with her husband in 1957 in writing the “American Bar Association’s Report on Communist Tactics, Strategy, and Objectives.” says it “became not only one of the most widely read documents ever produced by the ABA, it was probably the single most widely read publication of the grassroots anticommunist movement.”

In , Schlafly ran for Congress as a Republican in the majority of Illinois and lost to by 117,408 votes to 63,778 . Schlafly’s campaign was low-budget and promoted heavily through the local print media, and the major munitions manufacturers and , and the Texas oil billionaire .

She attended her first in 1952, and continued to attend each following convention. As part of the Illinois delegation of the , Schlafly endorsed U.S. Senator to be the party nominee for the . At the , Schlafly helped lead a revolt of “moral conservatives” who opposed ‘s stance “against segregation and discrimination.” Schlafly was the Republican nominee for Illinois’s 24th congressional district again in 1960, losing again to Price, this time by 144,560 votes to 55,620 .

In 1967, Schlafly lost a bid for the presidency of the against the more moderate candidate Gladys O’Donnell of California. Outgoing NFRW president and future of worked against Schlafly in the campaign.

Opposition To Equal Rights Amendment

Schlafly became an outspoken opponent of the during the 1970s as the organizer of the “STOP ERA” campaign. STOP was a for “Stop Taking Our Privileges”. She argued that the ERA would take away gender-specific privileges currently enjoyed by women, including “dependent wife” benefits under , separate restrooms for males and females, and exemption from . She was opposed by groups such as the and the ERAmerica coalition. The Homemakers’ Equal Rights Association was formed to counter Schlafly’s campaign.

In 1972, when Schlafly began her campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, the ERA had already been ratified by 28 of the required 38 states. Seven more states ratified the amendment after Schlafly began organizing opposition, but another five states rescinded their ratifications. The last state to ratify the ERA was , where State Senator cast the tie-breaking vote in January 1977.

The Equal Rights Amendment was narrowly defeated, having only achieved ratification in a total 35 states. Jane J. Mansbridge concluded in her history of the ERA:

Many people who followed the struggle over the ERA believedrightly in my viewthat the Amendment would have been ratified by 1975 or 1976 had it not been for Phyllis Schlafly’s early and effective effort to organize potential opponents.

Joan Williams argues, “ERA was defeated when Schlafly turned it into a war among women over gender roles.” Historian Judith Glazer-Raymo argues:

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Trumps Two Mark Battle Issues Figured Out How To Engage A Fragmented America

Donald Trump reported to the country that he was running for leader of the United States on June 16, 2015. Yet, at the time, the country was definitely not joined together. Furthermore, it hadnt been for quite a while.

Trumps crusade occurred in a separated America. Seaside liberal elites who had been enhancing themselves off the back of globalization bookended an undeniably disappointing American heartland.

Wages in spots like San Francisco and New York were soaring, yet white collar class compensation in red states had been stagnating for a considerable length of time. While waterfront huge tech, media, and money related foundations pulled in trillions from their 7.4 billion potential worldwide customers, Americas inside had missed out on employment that had been transported abroad.

In any case, as Obama pushed the country more remote and more distant to one side, Republican challengers like McCain and Romney were unfit to counter it they themselves were seen as a major aspect of the world class and were unfit to catch the creative energy of Americas white average workers inside.

The issue wasnt that red-state white common laborers were voting in favor of Democrats they essentially werent turning up in adequate numbers to vote in favor of unacceptable foundation Republicans.

He did as such by tenaciously concentrating on two noteworthy issues from the dispatch of his crusade entirely through to his continuous administration.

Theyre Gonna Have Their Hands Full: Mary Trump Thinks Her Uncles Postpresidency Woes Are Just Beginning

Hoover DC Book Discussion: Victor Davis Hanson on The Case for Trump

The Reckoning

On the unseasonably warm afternoon of Saturday, November 7, was in her beachfront condo overlooking Cape Cod Bay when the news flashed across her TV screen. Four days after the polls had closed, the Associated Press finally called the election for Joe Biden, heralding an end to the preternaturally bonkers presidency of Marys uncle and bête noire, Donald J. Trump. Mary picked up her phone and texted her daughter, who rang mom right away so they could share what was, for them and at least 80.9 million other Americans, a moment of immense happiness. Then Mary grabbed a bottle of Veuve Clicquot and hit the beach, where she drained her Champagne glass while basking in the near-75-degree mid-autumn sunshine. I just felt this energy that I havent felt in a while, she told me this week. The sense of relief I felt was just so incredible.

Vanity Fair:You could have just faded back out of the spotlight after the election. Aside from the financial incentive, what made you want to do another book?

I guess the book is going to answer this, but howdowe recover from our collective PTSD?

You talk about the stress of living in a country we no longer recognize. Do you think well start to recognize it more under a Biden presidency, or have we crossed the point of no return?

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The Conservative Case For Trump

The Conservative Case for Trump

978-1-62157-628-0

The Conservative Case for Trump is a 2016 book written by Phyllis Schlafly, with Ed Martin and Brett M. Decker, arguing that American conservatives should vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. It was published the day after Schlafly’s death, four months after Trump secured the Republican Party nomination in May and two months before he won the general election. The authors describe Trump as someone who promises the most conservative presidency since Ronald Reagan’s.

Donald Trump Tragic Hero

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THE CASE FOR TRUMP By Victor Davis Hanson

I had expected that The Case for Trump would be an argument for why Donald Trump has been a good president, but its mostly about why Trump won in 2016, and its analysis, based on old polling and news clips, is interminable, marred by some cable-news-style exaggeration and not particularly original. Victor Davis Hanson does, however, explain in passing and in the books concluding two chapters why he thinks Trump has been a good president, and this argument has some genuine merit and originality.

In his preface, Hanson quotes approvingly Henry Kissingers judgment of Trump: I think Trump may be one of those figures in history who appears from time to time to mark the end of an era and to force it to give up its old pretense. That is true of Trump, as it was of Kissingers boss, Richard Nixon. Trump took office at a time when the early promise of globalization had foundered when the purpose of the American alliance system was in doubt when glowing projections of liberal democracy in Russia and China had proved dead wrong and when America was mired in unwinnable wars.

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The Case For Trump: Book Discussion With Victor Davis Hanson

The Hoover Institution hosted “The Case for Trump Book Discussion” on Thursday, from 12:00 PM 1:00 PM EST.

The Hoover Institution hosted “The Case for Trump Book Discussion” on Thursday, from 12:00 PM 1:00 PM EST.

In The Case for Trump, award-winning historian and political commentator Victor Davis Hanson explains how a celebrity businessman with no political or military experience triumphed over sixteen well-qualified Republican rivals, a Democrat with a quarter-billion-dollar war chest, and a hostile media and Washington establishment to become president of the United States — and, after two years in office, an extremely successful president.

The Case For Trump By Victor Davis Hanson Book Review

The Case for Impeaching Trump (Hardcover)

On the off chance that applicants like John McCain and Mitt Romney were a medicine given to treat the side effects of American decrease, at that point Trump is the forceful chemotherapy intended to fix the disease behind that decay. Trump saddled, frequently in a revolting and pugnacious way, a nationalistic financial populism to take on and beat the foundation veteran Hillary Clinton.

Since his triumph, Trumps extreme way to deal with American legislative issues has shaken up the framework and introduced the nation into a period of Trumpism. In any case, even notwithstanding consistent assaults by the media, Trump has figured out how to direct America into a period of expanding financial flourishing.

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Publishers Weeklyjan 28 2019

Yes, President Trump is vulgar, petty, cruel, and occasionally incoherent, but he is also a political maestro with an impressive record in office who champions forgotten Americans, argues this enthusiastic apologia. Hanson , a Hoover Institution scholar of classics and military history and National Review columnist, credits Trump’s tax cuts, deregulation initiatives, and hard-line stances on trade and foreign policy with igniting an economic boom and advancing America’s national interests. Trump has also, he argues, revolutionized American politics with crude, blunt rhetoric and a populist vision that addresses the beleaguered white working class that feels threatened by globalization, mass immigration, and left-wing identity politics. Hanson is shrewd and insightful on Trump’s appeal even the dyed hair and tan bespeak an endearing authenticity, he notes, “proof that even aging billionaires were patched-together, creaking everymen and insecure humans” and on the disdain with which liberal politicians, media, and celebrities portray Trump’s supporters as bigots and losers. He’s less cogent when dubbing Trump a “tragic hero” like Achilles or Dirty Harry, and when he cursorily dismisses the importance of welfare initiatives like Obamacare to working-class people of all races. But this is one of the smartest conservative defenses of Trump yet published. Agents: Glen Hartley and Lynn Chu, Writers’ Representatives. \n

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